#Vindolanda Roman Fort

Happy Tuesday!

What follows is more of my expanded Beathan The Brigante notes as I file away a lot of my research. Today's focus is on Vindolanda Fort which features in Beathan The Brigante. To Beathan, Vindolanda  Fort is a source of deep resentment but also supreme satisfaction. (It would be huge spoilers if I give more details here!)

I planned a visit to Vindolanda for June 2020 but, with the Covid 19 restrictions still current, it wasn't possible. So, rather than giving first-hand experience after a visit, I still have to rely on textbook and internet references. However, Vindolanda by Robin Birley (first published 2009) has provided me with useful information, as have my many other Roman Britain sources. Also sadly, I have no photos of my own and have to borrow them from the internet till I can get some of my very own. 

 

Extensive bathhouse,
though of a much later fort than the original.
Wikimedia Commons

Knowledge of the very first fort at Vindolanda is slight compared to later uses of the site. Due to the earliest remains being at a depth of between 2 and 3.5 metres below the levels of the latest stone buildings, only about half of the earliest remains have been uncovered. One of the important reasons that anything survived is due to the site not originally being level and that subsequent new development meant that the ground was filled in with deep turf layers, or debris, to improve the flatness for the next builders. The climate is rainy much of the year, which hampered the excavations at Vindolanda, but the ground itself is actually only slightly damp. What lay below was preserved as each successive new layer was created. The remains on the lowest levels are in surprisingly good condition due to the seals made when each new layer was prepared and, since very little oxygen is present, bacteria has not eroded too much of the materials. `

The first fort at Vindolanda was probably built around AD 85, which puts it around the time of General Agricola’s withdrawal back to Rome. Tacitus does not tell us how many of Agricola’s troops remained stationed in Caledonia after he left, but archaeology supports a continued use in many of the Caledonian forts for at least a year or two after Agricola left in late AD 84, or perhaps early AD 85. (In my Celtic Fervour Series, I’ve favoured an early AD 85 withdrawal for General Agricola)

Trimontium (Newstead) and Coria/ Corstopitum Supply Fort (Corbridge) also continued to be garrisoned which would have meant sufficient control of activity to the immediate north of Vindolanda when it was being built.

The site of Vindolanda is about half way across the narrow stretch of land between modern-day Carlisle (west) and Newcastle (east). It was around 30 miles from Carlisle, though just 12 miles from Corbridge which was an easy day’s march. Corbridge being a supply fort would perhaps have scheduled deliveries e.g. the necessary iron work for the initial timber construction at Vindolanda.   

The Vindolanda tablets record a garrisoning by the 1^st Cohort Tungrian auxiliary unit during the pre-Hadrianic era who may, or may not, have been the original builders, since the unit was stationed there for some time. Tungrian forces were said to be part of Agricola’s armies at the battle named Mons Graupius by Tacitus, so it’s possible that they went south with General Agricola, or sometime fairly soon after him. At least some of those Tungrians could have been deployed in building the first Vindolanda fort, which may have been around 1000 strong (if a usual double strength 1st cohort), and covered around 2 ha (c. 4 acres)

The land around the Vindolanda fort was largely wet meadow, pasture and heathland, some of which was likely to have been farmed by the local Iron-Age tribes before the Romans chose their site. Though – as today  – it would have been hard subsistence farming, battling against the vagaries of the wild weather. The name Vindolanda is thought to have been Latinised from a local name meaning white fields, or white ‘lawns’. The initial fort was built on a relatively flat promontory with good natural defences to three sides, with burns flowing on three sides which fed into the River Tyne.

The Roman writer Vegetius, of the 2nd century AD,  was to write that fort gates should face the enemy or face south, but that was probably not the case at the original Vindolanda fort. The initial fort was aligned East-West, which seems significant because it was part of a line of defences which protected the main road from east to west, which was later named the Stanegate. Free passage along the Stanegate was important for the constant flow of military communication, personnel, and goods across what later became the western frontier.

One theory I’ve read is that the soldiers who initially built and garrisoned Vindolanda, may have also been the Stanegate road builders. This seems a reasonable assumption if the indigenous tribes to the south of the Stanegate were under control (mainly Brigantia), and the troops still stationed in southern Caledonian forts and fortlets were also controlling any serious opposition to the north. The geography of the land north and south of the Stanegate probably played its part, since the wild moors of the Southern Uplands and North-Pennines meant a relatively sparse local population to keep control over. There are few mentions in the Vindolanda tablet records of the indigenous population and it’s unlikely many, if any, would have hung around after the first wave of Romans descended upon the area. It’s unlikely there would have been much resistance (at least not till joined by others) and the idea of slavery would probably have deterred people from hanging around.  

The tree cover around Vindolanda would have been unlimited for the earliest timber fort. There’s evidence of alder, mature birch, hazel, willow, ash and even some pine. Sufficient supplies of very old oak were used to create the initial structural timbers of the wooden praetorium and principia, though it appears that these major command buildings were replaced in stone by the late AD 80s. Evidence of the first fort buildings indicates that they had interior wattled and daubed walls, and panelling was used for separating areas. Exterior walls seem to have been plastered and whitewashed. Some interior walls also seem to have been whitewashed and roofs of the initial buildings were covered with timber shingles. The bulk of the floors were of beaten earth which was layered with bracken, though at some point stone flagging and planking was also laid in places. 

The most surprising fact I read during the research of the first Vindolanda structure was that some buildings appear to have been glazed. Glass would been used sparingly in Rome, but for any of it to be used in construction on the western empire frontier was quite amazing. 

The construction order seems to have been that deep foundation trenches were dug and base beams were laid into these trenches. After this stage was completed, the timber uprights were bolted to the base beams and packed with stones for security. Unfortunately, those earliest builders had not counted on the amount of subsidence that seems to have plagued the initial ditches on the site. There’s evidence that some door accesses had to have steps formed to counteract the subsidence problem. These flights of stairs were needed for entry from outside, but also to move from room to room which (I think) would have been unusual in a fort, and inconvenient.

There’s sufficient evidence around the fort that supports the husbandry that was an integral part of the fort day-to-day-running. There would have been paddock areas where animals grazed inside the fort and field areas used outside.  Oxherds (bubulcarii, adiuvencos); swinherds (ad porcos) are mentioned in the Vindolanda tablets, which provided meat supplies, though the meat ration for the general soldier was perhaps only small quantities. There’s also evidence of early brewing (cervesarii) on the early fort sites. Unfortunately, the building of later levels has obscured most of the original wooden fort, so knowing what the interior layout was is presently impossible.

It’s clear that the sources for the main building materials were to be found close to hand around the Vindolanda environment, but in addition to local timber there were extremely valuable local deposits of iron ore; sandstone; coal; limestone(necessary for mortar bonding the stones of the stone forts); and even veins of lead. Whether these deposits were worked by the earliest soldiers at Vindolanda is hard to tell, but over the hundreds of years of Roman occupation the deposits were definitely worked using Roman toil.

A stone altar found in Beltingham churchyard, a couple of miles from Vindolanda, is dedicated to a goddess named Sattada and was commissioned by the ‘Curia of the Textoverdi’. This may mean the locals were from the Textoverdi tribe but this is still conjecture until more evidence can prove it. It could be that the church site was previously a local Iron-Age tribal site of Celtic religious significance, or the stone may have transported from some other origin.  

As I wrote the ‘Vindolanda’ scenes in Beathan The Brigante, I added tiny details from my research. Beathan sweeps Commander Verecundus’ praetorium and lays down new brackens as draught-proofing.  The Vindolanda tablets refer to a Commander Verecundus being in post in one of the earliest forts but it's not definite that Verecundus would have been there at the same time as my fictitious Beathan is used there as a fort slave. 

And later on in the story, Beathan's friend Torrin is detailed to free the animals from the animal pens during a raid on Vindolanda – but you can read all about this thrilling event in the novel!

One of the amazing things about writing fiction based on roman Britain is that often after I've completed the novel I find yet another gem for researching. That can be a book or it can be a video. This one was only discovered long after I completed and published Beathan The Brigante. I'm adding it here because it's one that I'm sure to return to again and again. 

Enjoy! 

[Check out the other video possibilities below - you might also find them interesting. ]

If you haven't read Beathan The Brigante yet here's the link! CLICK HERE 

Slàinte!  

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Vindolanda_bathhouse_-_2007-05-19.jpg

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kY-6QDWODLA

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OASJc0ZQ94c

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n9j5JL2PrsI

HWF October Blog Hop - A long tale of 2 men!

Tacitus & Agricola

When the Historical Writers Forum suggested an October Blog Hop, with the theme of ‘Our Favourite Historical figures…and why’, I jumped in with both feet! Though, I'm about to cheat since I have two joint-favourite historical figures.

The two previous posts on the October Blog Hop have been about very interesting figures. There's Lynn Bryant's Peninsular war Hero Sir Edward Codrington and my Ocelot Press fellow author Jen Wilson's Mary Queen of Scots.  You can hop on over and read them at your leisure...

But on this hop - here are my big feet! And my long and well-paced-out post of two men...

One foot is for Gnaeus Iulius Agricola.

And the other is for Publius Cornelius Tacitus, the ancient writer to whom I can credit most of what I know of Agricola. 

This post is about the influence of Cornelius Tacitus on the knowledge of Gnaeus Iulius Agricola, and of Roman Britain in general during the 1st Century AD. Agricola has featured a lot on this blog already, in the context of me writing my Celtic Fervour Series, but today I'm presenting Agricola via the lens of Tacitus, the mannie on the top right corner of the HWF poster. 

Hand up if you’ve ever heard of General Gnaeus Iulius Agricola?

Raise your hand again if you knew that Ancient Roman troops advanced all the way to the Moray Coast in north-east Scotland, and that Agricola possibly camped opposite my house when on that northerly invasion?

No, that isn’t a trick question.

General Agricola- Bath 

My fascination with Agricola starts with the Roman temporary marching camp at Deer’s Den, Kintore, north-east Scotland, and the fact that one corner of the temporary camp rampart was situated about 30 metres from my garden gate. There’s archaeological dating evidence that strongly suggests the huge encampment was created by Agricola’s troops during the Flavian era, c. AD 83/84. (The extent of the camp approx. 60 average football pitches.) Learning that potentially 10,000 Roman soldiers tramped over my garden, it kick-started my need to write about Ancient Roman invasions of northern Britannia. 

There are no written records from the indigenous Iron-Age tribes, and the main ‘GO TO’ reference from antiquity was written by Publius Cornelius Tacitus. (Pliny the elder, Suetonius, Cassius Dio and other ancient writers like Josephus, Statius, Zonoras – make brief mentions but don’t fill in much detail.)

Tacitus - Agricola’s son-in-law - wrote about the life of Agricola in De vita et moribus Iuilii Agricolae, and in the Annals. The purpose of Tacitus’ Agricolae is unclear. It may have been an extended eulogy (laudatio or encomium) to give proper honour to Agricola, though it was written (or published?) about four years after Agricola’s death in AD 93. Some scholars accept it as a biography of Agricola’s military career, spent in Britannia. Others believe it's a political document, only ‘published’ (perhaps orated at the Roman Forum?) after the assassination of Emperor Domitian in AD 96 when Tacitus felt it was safe to write it, and publicly share it. Some scholars name it a historiography, written by someone who lived during the era, even though Tacitus was unlikely to have been present at (most of) the events related.

Cornelius Tacitus
lithograph by Julien

Regardless of Tacitus’ purpose, his statements about Agricola’s achievements fascinate me. They also make me want to fill in the gaps with the known archaeological record. And that, in turn, is totally absorbing since being ‘organic’ archaeological theories are frequently modified, or altered, when up-to-date scientific techniques give us a better (different) perspective of discoveries in Britannia.

So, what do I know about General Gnaeus Iulius Agricola? Does a man become a great invader overnight? I don't think so!

Here are some of the supposed 'facts' about Agricola - as come down to us from Tacitus - and plenty of my own observations which are prefaced by **. Take a deep breath and… read on, because Agricola was in Britannia for the bulk of his career. The problem is that the intertwined stories of Tacitus and Agricola do not follow in absolutely cast-iron chronological order, and the historical record of Tacitus does not always 'match' the archaeological one. Known and guessed-at become confusing! 

Gnaeus Iulius Agricola [most dates are not precise]

Born 13^th June AD 40, Forum Iulii, Narbonensis (southern Gaul).

His father: Iulius Graecinus - a senator who achieved the rank of praetor; wrote literary works on vine cultivation. Unfortunately Graecinus was too principled and (probably) too outspoken. Graecinus refused to prosecute M. Silanus (a second-cousin of the emperor) and his execution was ordered by Emperor Gaius/Caligula when Agricola was an infant.

adapted - Nancy Jardine

Agricola’s Career: Cursus Honorum  - normal entry at approx. 18 (by virtue of his father’s patrician status.) This was the usual age to do initial army service and to begin on a ‘Roman’ career. Before this, Agricola was said to have been studious and was very inclined towards philosophy, according to his mother. However, philosophy probably didn’t pay the bills, so he embarked on the usual military and political career. 

AD 58-62 Agricola's first posting to Britannia 

Tribune under Governor of Britannia, Suetonius Paulinus. Possibly as a member of Paulinus’ personal staff. Perhaps assigned to Legio II Augusta, since Tacitus mentions the name Poenius Postumus, who was the Legio II Augusta camp prefect. 

**The importance of this military posting? Paulinus was in charge of subduing Boudica’s Iceni rebellion of 61. Agricola may well have been very close to that action and may have experienced his first confrontational engagement with the enemy. He might have gained good knowledge of the tribes of Britannia and perhaps even learned some of the local language/ dialects during his 4 years there. 

AD 62 Back to Rome; marries the well-connected Domitia Decidiana. Civic/military position unknown but probably administrative. 

AD 64 Quaestor (province of Asia) Public official; lowest ranking position but early rung on the political ladder. Tacitus indicates that Agricola was not enamoured with the corruption that was rife across the province, the present governor just a little bit implicated.

AD 66 prestigious post in Rome as a ‘tribune of the plebs’ An important step if entry to the Senate was on the ‘big’ plan.

AD 68 Praetor in Rome. An elected magisterial position. Agricola appears to have spent the usual time at most of his earlier administrative posts and was in those positions at the earliest possible times, according to the fairly rigid career structure. 

AD 69 he is documented as 'cataloguing the temple treasures' during Galba's short term as emperor. 

**However, regarding the job of Praetor, I like the fact that Agricola seemed to have earned ‘bonus points’ i.e. a year’s remission two times over, by becoming a father to two children in quick succession. This meant Agricola was a Praetor at a ‘young’ age and two years earlier than the normal on the Cursus Honorum. I like to think it was because of his dedication to doing a good job and to his competence levels. Sadly, around this time, his first-born - a son (name not known) - seems to have died the same year that his daughter Julia Agricola was born.

AD 69 -73 Agricola's second posting to Britannia

In AD 69, the civil war across the Roman Empire ended. Vespasian became emperor, and Agricola received a posting in Britannia as Legate of the Legio XX.  

**This, I believe, is a pivotal point in Agricola’s career. I think a personal hunger to subdue the whole island of Britannia probably began when he was given this position of higher command. 

AD 69 One of Agricola’s immediate tasks after arriving in Britannia was to whip the Legio XX into better disciplinary shape, since there had been seditious disruption under the command of Roscius Coelius during the Civil War period of 68 into 69. 

**It’s possible that as a follower of Vespasian, Agricola needed to do a bit of persuasion within the Legio XX to bring them over to Vespasian’s side. The three emperors prior to Vespasian had not had sufficient allegiance among the 28 (approx.) legions across the empire to keep themselves in power.  In 69, Vespasian controlled enough legions to assume power, but he also needed to have it continue that way.

**If true that Agricola needed to ensure the obedience of the Legio XX , it would have required him to have a selection of well-used skills of persuasion. He'd have needed to engender sufficient respect and to have instilled firm leadership. This experience would have stood him in good stead for the even more senior commands which were still to come. 

**During the period of 69-71, under Vettius Bolanus as Governor of Britannia, Tacitus doesn’t mention any particular events that put Agricola into the limelight. However, it’s possible that if Bolanus ordered invasion and expansion into northerly territory that had not yet been occupied (Brigantia and maybe Caledonia), and if Agricola was involved in this exploration with the Legio XX, it would have given Agricola very useful first-hand knowledge of the nature of the terrain and of problems in subduing the natives. 

Wikimedia Commons- 'Frere'

**Recent archaeological dating is providing more evidence of occupation of northern Brigantia and southern Caledonia during the late 60s. Tacitus does not write about this – though it's unknown if this was on purpose. However, not hearing about activity in these areas from Agricola himself seems unlikely - unless the lack of settled success at that time meant Tacitus did not mention it because he had no desire to 'spoil' Agricola's record.  

**Traditional (early) historians gave Agricola the main credit for invading Caledonia during the period 77-84 because they largely relied on Tacitus' account of Agricola's 7 'summer-long' military campaigns. (campaign season traditionally March - October). Frere's map above was constructed in the 1950s/1960s mainly using the information given to us by Tacitus. The map is now regarded as 'out of date' but if you imagine some of the grey, and pale blue lines of Bolanus and Cerialis extending into Caledonia by the late 60s/early 70s, perhaps even as far as the central belt of Scotland, it's quite mind-blowing. The possibility changes the 'beliefs' of centuries of historians. But what would make Tacitus not mention any Caledonian invasion during the tenure of Bolanus? 

Archaeology is inching closer towards proving more conclusively that there were quite a few Caledonian incursions during the late 60s. If so, it seems reasonable to suggest that a more settled climate in parts of northern Brigantia was necessary for this and maybe Agricola's Legio XX was responsible for some control in western tribal areas. 

It's a good place to note, however, that what was invaded did not always stay settled without serious military control. 

AD 71 Quintus Petillius Cerialis became Governor of Britannia. (Cerialis was Emperor Vespasian's son-in-law. Favouritism? Cronyism? It's definitely not a new concept!) Cerialis had prior knowledge of the province of Britannia having been in command of the Legio IX Hispana during the Boudican rebellion. Even though Cerialis seems to have been unsuccessful in the 'bloody battles with Boudica, Tacitus indicates Cerialis redeemed himself during a later posting in Germania. Cerialis' conduct in Germania was then sufficient for him to be made Governor of Britannia in AD 71. 

Agricola was still in Britannia at this point, still commanding the Legio XX. 

In AD 71, the Brigantes Tribal Federation (roughly speaking present day Yorkshire/ Cumbria and Northumberland) was causing Rome an even greater headache than before, and this is where Agricola’s career becomes more interesting. General Cerialis stepped up the expansionist /settling processes in Brigantia. According to Tacitus, Cerialis again commanded the Legio IX Hispana and actively subdued more of eastern Brigantia, while Agricola campaigned on the western side with his Legio XX.  

Stamp Legio IX Hispana
Carlaeon Fortress 
Wikimedia Commons

(Think of this as being a positive step for the Romans, but they still had to ensure control everywhere to the south of their latest campaign area and 'Wales' was proving to be continually troublesome.) 

** These northern engagements would have given Agricola a lot more experience of the landscape of northern Britannia, and he would have acquired really useful knowledge of the tribes of the north. I also think that if he did not already understand/speak some of the local language/s then this 4-year posting would have been the perfect time for him to learn. 

**Why do I think Agricola would have bothered to learn anything about the local tribes? I think it was in his interest to do so, but being of a philosophical 'bent' (according to Tacitus) it would have been natural for him to want to know about them so that he could implant Roman values on them more easily. 

**Some linguists, and philological experts, lean towards a theory that there may have been a common 'tongue' that existed across Europe at this time 2000 years ago (a very early form of  'Old Welsh'/ i.e. a basic 'Celtic' language). This, they propose, would have been understood in a basic form across huge areas of Europe, though was probably spoken with regional dialects. This is a notion which I have to say inspires me so much I've used it in Book 5 of my Celtic Fervour Series. 

The Roman army was drawn from so many geographical areas, so spoken Latin is surmised to have been at the most basic level for the bulk of the lower ranks. As Roman citizens of high status, Agricola and his fellow officers would have spoken fluent Latin, but that doesn't mean they'd not have had a smattering of the indigenous language of their birth-region. 

AD 73 Agricola goes back to Rome. Achieved official patrician status 

AD 73-76 (approx.) Governorship of Aquitania. At this time of the empire, Aquitania had no permanent legion stationed there since the area had been settled for decades, and was peacefully 'Roman' oriented. This posting was possibly an easy job as a 'pen pusher' for Agricola and of a civic nature rather than military. Probably useful for picking up the skills he needed later for administration in Britannia. 

AD 76 or 77 Agricola Back in Rome and made Suffect consul A highly prestigious post. He was also elevated to the College of Pontiffs. the highest-ranking priests of the 'state religion'. Tacitus indicates that Agricola took his Pontiff status seriously, being highly religious and typically superstitious. Although being a member of the college of Pontiffs was, by then, a pretty nominal post with few duties attached.

AD 77 (?) Tacitus is betrothed to Agricola's daughter Julia. They marry the following year (78?) 

AD 77-84 (or very early 85) Agricola's third posting to Britannia 

AD 77 (approx.) marks the beginning of Agricola's 3rd term in Britannia. His title was Legatus Augusti pro praetore, the ‘Augusti’ part meaning he was governor of a province where legions were stationed, and that Agricola had been specially chosen by the emperor (Vespasian). Agricola commanded in place of Emperor Vespasian across the province - top dog over any other Britannic official! 

**It was fairly unusual to be serving in a place for a third time, so Agricola may have been regarded as a bit of a 'specialist' regarding Britannia. Because Agricola had a typical career background, including posts as a civic administrator, he perhaps also felt compelled to mould Britannia into shape as a better-run province both in military and 'municipal' terms. Tacitus notes that Agricola had been disturbed and appalled by the corruption that was rife at the top echelons of Roman administration when he was a quaestor in the province of Asia and was firm about it being eradicated from the running of Britannia. Tacitus speaks of Agricola being proud of the civic reforms that he instigated and the Roman customs that he established.  

**I think by AD 77 Agricola was also hell-bent on conquering all of the Britannic territory that had not been invaded and already deemed to be settled.

c. Nancy Jardine (some of the known forts)

What then were Agricola's targets between approx. AD 77 and the end of 84?

During his very long tenure of some seven years as Governor of Britannia, Agricola systematically seems to have made his mark on, and/or subdued many of the northern tribes. He either re-used temporary camp sites, or forts, established by his predecessors (Bolanus, Cerialis, Frontinus) or he created new ones. 

Archaeology is truly wonderful, but it's really difficult to be absolutely sure of what Agricola and the Roman legions managed during the years 77-84. Interpretative evidence suggests that he conquered, or at least had permanent forces monitoring stability in:

• What we would now term Wales.
• What we now call all of northern England
• Probably most of southern and some of central belt Scotland

Agricolan Era forts c. Nancy Jardine 

**I like to think that the seriously magnificent supply fortress of Inchtuthil was ordered to be built by Agricola. Inchtuthil is the most northerly fortress in the whole Roman Empire and might be the one Ptolemy names as Pinnata Castra (not Victoria since the map created from his co-ordinates is very skewed). Since I'm a writer of fiction, I've included Inchtuthil/ Pinnata Castra in my Celtic Fervour Series, Agricola visiting it in Book 5 Beathan The Brigante. There is also a short story the Ocelot Press Anthology Doorways To The Past where Ruoridh of Garrigill is a bit perplexed about Pinnata Castra in late AD 86, after the Romans have abandoned the huge supply fortress. 

It's hotly contested exactly how much of northern Tayside and Aberdeenshire could have been termed conquered by Agricola. Stracathro (about 37 miles south of Aberdeen) is the most northerly known wooden fort. It's  possibly originally Agricolan, though was also likely to have been used by later Roman forces (Antonine, or more likely Severan).

Beyond Stracathro there's only evidence for temporary camps in north-east Scotland, but there is a wonderful line of them which roughly follows the present-day trunk road named the A 96 (Aberdeen to Inverness). This road skirts the fringes of the Grampian mountains and was possibly much the same route taken by the Agricolan infantry. 

William Roy, the military cartographer of the mid 1700s, made some fascinating maps which indicate stretches of road which may have originally been laid down by Roman troops. [Roy's drawings of some of the Roman forts in Perthshire and Tayside - like Ardoch - are absolutely splendid, and are truly works of art!] When he 'scoped' out some of the Roman activity in the north-east, the construction of the installations was still very visible which meant very accurate measuring. The ditches and ramparts had not yet been ploughed out by aggressive farming techniques.

(Check out The National Library of Scotland for Free online access to the fabulous ROY maps)

Roman Forts and temporary camps
c. Nancy Jardine

Agricola is thought to have built, or reinforced many impressive forts, though it's presently an archaeological guessing game of exactly who ordered the building of which installation. 

But back to my friend Tacitus!

What does Tacitus mention regarding Agricola's exploits in northern Caledonia? Well...we have the magnificently eloquent and prosaic description of the Battle of Mons Graupius. We have Tacitus' poetic version of what Agricola said before the battle when rallying his troops, which may have been upwards of 20,000 men. We have Tacitus' version of what the Caledonian leader Calgacus shouted to rouse his 30,000 warriors into a frenzy. We have Tacitus' version of how the battle progressed and of how after a horrendous bloody conflict some 350 Romans died compared to 10,000 of Calgacus'  Caledonians.

What we don't have is an attested battle site, or a shred of evidence that a battle actually took place. 

Nonetheless - that lack of battle-site evidence didn't stop me writing in a battle between the Caledons and Agricola in my Celtic Fervour Series (Book 3). It's not called Mons Graupius, for how can I prove it? My battle site is called Beinn na Ciche, the present-day hill range at Bennachie, Aberdeenshire,  being one of the main contender sites according to the topographical information given to us by my joint-favourite  man, Tacitus! 

One of my pile of Roman texts
This image is very like Bennachie! 

Bennachie is directly opposite the encampment marked Durno on the above map and Durno is easily large enough to have housed Agricola's upwards of 20,000 troops. At 58 hectares, the Durno camp is the largest in north-east Scotland  and is also big enough to have sheltered the 30,000 men that Emperor Severus brought to the north of Caledonia in AD 210, though Tacitus couldn't have known that fact!

(I've written about Severus and Caracalla at Durno, Beinn na Ciche, in The Taexali Game, my time travel historical)

And sometime soon after Mons Graupius, Agricola was recalled to Rome by Emperor Domitian. Many theories abound about whether Agricola had totally fallen out with Domitian over the conquest of Caledonia. What Tacitus indicates is that from soon after Domitian became emperor, lots of troops were withdrawn from Britannia leaving Agricola very short-handed. Making a conquest in one rebel area means troops cannot be deployed in  a control and monitoring capacity elsewhere and they become stretched too thin! 

Tacitus tells us that Agricola was given the best triumphant regalia possible on his return to Rome, but for some reason entered at night and without 'fuss'. (Only an emperor could enter Rome with his army in tow, and only an emperor could have a triumphal arch built). Unfortunately, if Agricola did have the statue commissioned that Tacitus mentions, it's never been found or identified. Tacitus says that Agricola refused to accept Domitian's offer of a new post and retired to his 'estates' in Gallia Narbonensis. Rumours abound that Agricola did not die of natural causes at the age of 53, some 8 years after leaving Caledonia. 

I'd dearly love to know about the doctors tending Agricola before his death, you know those ones sent by Emperor Domitian! 

During the course of writing the 5 novels in my Celtic Fervour Series, I've added many different posts to this blog about Agricola's exploits in Caledonia which give lots more information about my 2 favourite men. (Please use the blog search box to find more about Agricola or Tacitus). 

The next post in the Historical Writers' Forum is by Sharon Bennet Connely. Hop on over to her blog from the 17th October 2020 and catch her reasons for choosing Matilda Marshal! 

Thank you for reading and enjoy the HWF Blog Hop. 

Celtic Fervour Series link HERE. 

Inchtuthil (Pinnata Castra) short story - Ocelot PRESS 2020 Anthology -DoorwaysToThePast

(psst! If you're reading this post on the 15th Oct 2020, you'll find some lovely surprises over on Amazon for The Celtic Fervour Series- some reductions and even a FREEBIE!)

Slàinte!

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Tacitus_portrait.jpg

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/College_of_Pontiffs

#extract #Agricola's Bane

Happy Saturday to you!

I've been doing a bit of poster making for my Celtic Fervour Saga which will be  appearing on my social media outlets during the later part of January.

And over  the next week, I'll be posting information about the Agricola's Bane Blog Tour that's organised by Rachel's Random resources, but to start the ball rolling here's a coffee-break extract from the novel. I'll be reducing the kindle price of Agricola's Bane to 99p/99c on Amazon during the tour from 20th to 27th January. If you've not yet bought a copy, now would be a good time to get a super long read for a very cheap price! 

It is late A D 84 not long after the devastating battle at Beinn na Ciche ( aka Mons Graupius). The land is rife with many different predators - animal and human - and suspicion abounds. My young Garrigill warrior Enya, and her companions Nith of Tarras and Feargus of Monymusk, have to contend with marauding Roman patrols... but they also have to face other unpalatable situations. They have recently crossed the (River) Abhainn Caelis at a point north of Srathbogie, and are heading north-west into Vacomagi territory. They have no idea if the Vacomagi are still resistant to roman rule or whether they have made treaties with the invaders...

Enjoy!

On the far side of the dwelling, a thicket hugged the lower reaches of the nearby hill. He headed that way knowing his chances were greater of bagging a small animal, his fingers rooting in the pouch at his waist to check how many stones he still had. It had been a while since he had added to his collection of specially prepared ones.

As soon as he entered the trees, the pervading peaty smell of the marshy ground he had just sludged his way across, changed to that of a different sort of decay. The stench of rotting blood was unmistakable, though whether it was animal or human he could not be sure. His senses went on alert in the deepening gloom as he skirted from bush to bush. He wanted to be waylaid by neither man, nor marauding beast. Peeling back a clump of blaeberry the sight was not unexpected. The corpse that lay ahead of him face up had been partially gnawed by small wild creatures, and pecked at by birds. Nonetheless, there was sufficient left of the leather breast coverings to see that it was not the body of a Roman soldier, but a local female warrior.

His guess, from the state of deterioration, was that the tribeswoman had been dead only a couple of days. Her neck had been sliced open, the cut deep enough to empty the blood from her body. The forest floor around her was a congealed dark-brown mess, spattered with occasional animal excrement, all made even slushier as a result of the inclement weather of the previous days. From the flattened forest-floor around her it looked as though the woman had slithered about before death had claimed her. Or perhaps she had gallantly put up a good fight before succumbing. Not far from her outstretched arm lay a spear.

On his way across to pick up the spear, he bypassed her body. The bone hilt of a small paring knife was still visible in the pouch at her waist. He found that at odds with the violent attack. Whoever had killed her had not bothered to acquire her weapons. Suspicion grew. Nith could think of few reasons for not claiming useful weapons from an attack victim.

Looking more closely at the ground some steps away from her, he could only see minimal disturbance. A single contubernium group of eight Romans would have flattened much more of the undergrowth, the damage being even greater from a larger patrol.

Animal scurrying nearby made him think of his purpose in being there. There was little he could do for this poor woman, save saying a prayer to the goddess Scathach, but he could ensure Enya was safe and fed.

Moving around the copse in search of the game that had disturbed him, his suspicions increased when he found two more bodies, lying at short distances apart. Both were face down into the undergrowth. Both of these male warriors had suffered a frenzied attack from behind. Slashing wounds to their shoulders and backs had floored them, one of the unfortunates’ legs having been almost halved.

Levering up one corpse with his foot, the muffled sound of metal scraping on metal startled him. Jumping back from it, he searched the glade for any enemy that might be around. Satisfied no danger was present, he willed his worn-out senses to calm. Thinking carefully about the source of the noise, he realised it had to have come from under the body and not around the glade.

Annoyed with himself for being inept, he once again set to turning over the remains. It was with a grim smile and a snort of disgust that he acknowledged it was the grip of the man’s long knife that had scraped against the spear hilt that lay under the warrior, the spear shaft having snapped. The weight of the body tumbling down would account for that, but the knife being unsheathed needed some thought.

ptarmigan

Saying a prayer for the men, the vaguest swish nearby broke into his deep thoughts. His sling was up into place automatically and his arm at length ready to let fly the stone. The plump ptarmigan within his sight had no chance of escaping his deadly aim.

Gathering up the bird, hunger returned with a vengeance of its own, his insides protesting. One bird would presently satisfy him, but was not enough for three. It took a while but his stealthy creep around captured a hare as well. He trudged back to the dilapidated roundhouse still contemplating the dead warriors.

“Are your sling skills rusting? That took you quite a while.”

Enya’s greeting on his entry to the roundhouse was not as cordial as he would have liked, but he was long used to her occasional sarcasm. She had a small fire going which was more important than giving her a snide answer. Feargus was already stretched out on a low pallet of brackens. The dampness from them and the prickliness would not be comfortable, but was better than lying on nothing at all. From the slight heaving of Feargus’ shoulders, he seemed asleep.

Nith looked closely at Enya before setting down the hunt on the stones at the side of the fledgling blaze. She was as tired as he was; he needed to share his thoughts with her but first, the food needed to be prepared.

Enya looked longingly at the bird. “That would do well cooked in a pot of water to make a nourishing soup for Feargus, but there is nothing left around here that I can use.”

Nith nodded. He had seen earlier that the dwelling had been stripped of all cooking utensils and bowls.

“The fire will do well enough.” Feargus let free the smallest of moans. Nith looked over towards the lad. “It is a nasty wound, for sure, but Feargus will manage.”

Pulling free his paring knife, he set to skinning and gutting the hare. Enya had the bird plucked and cleaned out in half the time it took him, it’s carcass onto one of the stout damp rods she had placed at the fireside.

“Let me fill your water pouch,” she demanded. “I found a small spring nearby when I went to gather herbs for Feargus’ poultice.”

By the time she returned, Nith had the hare on another of the sticks and had lashed together a frame to spit both of the carcasses over the flames.

Rising to his feet he whispered, “I have something to show you. We will return before the food is cooked.”

He could not miss her glance at the still sleeping Feargus.

“Feargus will do well enough, and the fire will last till we get back.”

Lighting a sheaf of reeds, he strode out of the roundhouse and headed for the trees, Enya at his heels. “I took so long foraging for our food because another matter took some of my attention.”

Annoyed by his reticence to tell her why they were going into the woods, Enya dunted his shoulder. “Do we have to go just now, Nith?”

He stopped to look down at her pinched face, the skin over her cheekbones more stretched than he would like to see. None of them had been well enough fed for a long time. “We do. Your warrior skills are as good as mine, and I would not drag you out again if I did not value your opinion.”

That seemed good enough reason because Enya made no more conversation till they arrived at the first male. She said little as she moved around in the dying dusk, taking note of the surroundings.

“There is more to see.” He led her across to the other male, the one with the spear and knife beneath him.

“It looks as though he has been unexpectedly attacked from the rear,” she said after a taking a good look around. “I would have expected a more trampled mess around him, if he had been killed by Roman soldiers, though that is hard to see with the shadows in here.”

As he had done earlier, Nith used his foot to turn over the body.

“His knife is still sheathed. This one did not foresee the attack at all. If he had been wary, he would at the very least have withdrawn it.”

Taking her by the elbow he pulled her away and across to the female warrior. Enya sank to her knees a short way away from the victim and bowed her head. A moment or two later, she stood up and padded around the area also praying for the two men. “They all still have their weapons. Nith. This was not the work of an animal. Nor do I think it was a Roman attack.”

Nith nodded agreement, but before he could say any more Enya grasped the lit-rushes and held them to the ground before she continued scanning the undergrowth as best she could. “The men seem not to have been aware of their attacker behind them. The woman may have been suspicious by the amount of undergrowth that was disturbed around her, but I do not see enough disorder for it to have been a group who attacked her.”

Bowing her head, he watched Enya’s throat muscles clench as she fought with her feelings. Her next words were telling and proved she thought much like he did.

“Had it been even a small patrol of Roman auxiliaries, they would have created much more mess and she would probably not have been left…unmolested.”

He had already come to the same conclusion.

Enya’s eyes sparkled in the growing moonlight as they sped back to the roundhouse, Nith’s torch now useful to guide their footsteps. “Do you think the weapons were left because the person who killed them could not carry them?” Her pretty eyes turned to a distrustful glitter. “Was it someone they knew but also someone in the pay of the Romans? A speculator?”

Enya may have been praying to Scàthach, the warrior goddess who is mentioned in the novel. Here's some information about the goddess Scàthach. Click  HERE

Slàinte! 

#amwriting Celtic Fervour Saga

It's been a while...but here's an update!

Agricola's Bane, Book 4 of my Celtic Fervour Series, is going on a Blog Tour very soon ( begins 20th January 2020) with Rachel's Random Resources. The tours for the first 3 books were wonderful and I've met so many new bloggers. It's been amazing to find new reader/ bloggers who love the series. 

In addition to doing more WIP writing for Book 5 of the series, I've also signed up for a Duolingo Scottish Gaelic course. It's definitely a fun way to learn a language! More about that later as I progress, but I can already envisage some changes might be necessary to the Gaelic phrases I used on Books 1-4 (which I got from friends ;-) ). I've also decided to change my end salutation on these blog posts. When I originally started them, a friend advised me to find something slightly original  - so my spelling of  Cheers was Slainthe, a spelling I had seen  on the internet. I can no longer use that form as I'll get my Gaelic questions ALL WRONG in my duolingo course. (p.s. I can also now add the accent which I couldn't before)

Book 5 is slowly progressing but I'm still constantly amazed at how many times I'm researching something specific that I've either read about (re: Roman Empire) and forgotten, or aspects that are new for me. The passage below is a little reminder about my Celtic Fervour Saga series. 

With one main text to study for a historical episode lasting the best part of 20 years (over 5 books) – and given that short text is often regarded with some suspicion – I might have felt justified to declare that there’s almost nothing in written prime sources to go on.  Does that mean that my writing is into the fantastic realm?

Not for me! But it has made creating credible settings and characters a wonderful challenge.

Since my chosen time period is late first-century northern Roman Britain, I’ve always accepted that research would be difficult, though I thought I’d stop at some point. Ahem…I’ve not nearly reached that stage yet! I love investigating sources – written and otherwise.

Roman Forum -Wikimedia Commons/ Flickr

The ‘Agricola’, by Ancient Roman writer Cornelius Tacitus, is a brief account of the Britannic campaigns of his father-in-law General Gnaeus Iulius Agricola. As Governor of Britannia in command of the resident Roman legions, Agricola’s aims were to subdue the barbarians of northern Britannia and absorb their territories into the Roman Empire – North Yorkshire, Cumbria, and Northumberland first, then Scotland. Tacitus’ aim was to inform his listeners in the Roman Forum of the achievements of Agricola, flowery oratorical language being typical in c. A.D. 97. Some scholars of the ‘Agricola’ are sceptical of its accuracy as recorded by Tacitus, though others believe Tacitus recorded the campaigns of other generals reliably. I’ve used the ‘Agricola’ very loosely to create my own interpretation of the Roman invasion of northern Britannia in my historical series, in conjunction with suitable ground evidence.

I’ve depended heavily on archaeological findings for the locations used. The Romans marched almost all the way to the Moray Firth yet left no attested evidence in stone, or wooden fort building, as in southern parts of Scotland. I’ve, therefore, relied on aerial photography, backed up by ground excavation of temporary marching camps created as the Romans tramped north-eastwards.

Envisaging what the landscape was like has meant finding out about the flora and fauna that clothed the countryside. Where were the natural Caledonian forest areas? That’s important because vast tracks of current Aberdeenshire (Scotland) have been relatively recently forested by the Forestry Commission, established in the early 1920s. Archaeological soil samples; ancient farming techniques; changes in river courses; natural erosion of the coastline forming sea-stacks; retreating  shorelines on the Moray Firth – are only some of the many issues I’ve researched over the course of writing the novel. What I see today is not necessarily how it was 2000 years ago.

Agricola’s Bane, Book 4 of my series, opens in the aftermath of a large battle between the Roman Legions and the Caledonian Allies (battle in Book 3). In the ‘Agricola’ Tacitus wrote that a large confrontation took place somewhere in northern Britannia, generally known to historians as the battle of ‘Mons Graupius’. Unfortunately, the battle site for Mons Graupius has never been identified, a number of possible sites mooted from Fife all the way to Inverness. And some enthusiasts don’t believe a battle happened at all, they think Tacitus exaggerated Agricola’s campaigning success in north-east Scotland.

Agricola -  Bath

Agricola’s Bane is my interpretation of: why Agricola dominated Northern Britannia for a while; what he sought to find there; and the natives he intended to completely subdue c.A.D.84. It gives a hint of why Agricola left the supposedly conquered northern areas soon after to return to Rome.

Book 5 is due in 2020, continuing the story of Agricola’s withdrawal from the area of conflict and the situations my Celtic Garrigill Clan find themselves in. However, Book 5 (current title: Beathan the Brigante) is mainly the story of Beathan, the son born to Lorcan and Nara in Book 1 of the series.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Rome_-_View_of_Forum_Romanum._(2825256435).jpg

Slàinte!

Inchtuthil- The Fortress on the Wing?

Welcome to my Monday Musings!

I've taken some time off my writing in progress to jot down some of my research on the fabulous Legionary Fortress at Inchtuthil in Perthshire, Scotland. This blog post is also intended for the shared blog posts associated with the Historical Writers' Forum where you'll find a huge range of eras  and subjects covered by the group of historical authors that I'm delighted to be a part of.   

Inchtuthil - Pinnata Castra, The Fortress on the Wing!

Mapmaking details of Claudius Ptolemaeus (Ptolemy), writing around A.D. 120-150, name an Ancient Roman Fortress in Caledonia as Pinnata Castra. This is translated as ‘the fortress on the wing’. The exact position of this fortress is hard to discern since the medieval map created from Ptolemy’s assembled references is oddly skewed with Scotland appearing at right angles to the rest of mainland Britain. 

No large legionary fortress has ever been identified near the Moray Coast where it is sited according to the medieval version made using Ptolemy’s projections. Ptolemy also names a fort as Victoria, some historians believing that one to have been named after the Battle of Mons Graupius as mentioned by the Ancient Roman writer Cornelius Tacitus - the name Victoria often conferred after a notable Roman victory over enemy tribes. However, there has never been a large fortress identified near the Victoria location as detailed by Ptolemy.  

It, therefore, makes sense that the huge fortress (21 ha/50+ acres) positively identified at a site named Inchtuthil in Perthshire was the one Ptolemy calls Pinnata Castra since it’s the only large legionary-sized fortress ever identified in northern Caledonia. Or it may be that Victoria was built further north at the Inchtuthil location and mistakenly plotted on the map!  I chose to name Inchtuthil as Pinnata Castra in my Celtic Fervour Saga series since I like the idea of the fortress being on the wing, essentially at the edge of the fortifications that were built north of the Forth/ Clyde line.  

At Inchtuthil there's evidence of a legionary fortress likely to have been mainly built and garrisoned by the Twentieth Legion (Legio XX Valeria Victrix). Built to garrison as many as 6000 men (a full legion plus additional specialist troops), its position was highly strategic and placed on a natural plateau with outstanding views over the surrounding countryside. On the north bank of the River Tay, it had access to sufficient water supplies and it was in the best place to monitor one of the main natural routes into the Caledonian highlands. The River Tay was also a navigable inland waterway which was ideal for small vessels of the Classis Britannica (Roman Navy) to ferry in essential supplies from southern supply bases. The building work at Inchtuthil is thought to have begun around A.D. 82/83 on the orders of Gnaeus Iulius Agricola, Commander of the Britannic armies and Governor of the province of Britannia between c. A.D. 77 - 84. Inchtuthil was not a long-lived fortress, though, since it was probably dismantled and evacuated sometime around A.D. 87 ‑ more about this at the end of this post.

Since General Agricola was familiar with the creation of the Eboracum Roman Fortress (York), while he was serving as the Commander of the Twentieth Legion, some historians believe he chose the site and layout of Inchtuthil using prior knowledge of the successful fortress at Eboracum. The fortress at Eboracum was sited close to the navigable inland waters of the Rivers Ouse and Foss and this may have influenced Agricola's decision to choose the location for his northern 'powerhouse' fortress. 

The operations of the small vessels of Agricola’s Roman Navy were crucial elements in the success of the Caledonian campaigns. It’s likely that only smaller vessels of Agricola's fleet could have navigated up the River Tay but they would have played a regular role in supplying the north of Caledonia. It's always worth mentioning that Agricola was innovative in using his Classis Britannica (Roman Navy) for more than in a supply role – he also appears to have given the fully armoured mariners an aggressive role in subduing the natives who lived close to the eastern coastline of Northern Britannia. This seems to account for the fact that coastal forts or fortlets in north-east Caledonia are quite rare.

Though the only legionary fortress in northern Caledonia, Inchtuthil was part of a line of strategic defence structures intended to control movement of the natives between the highlands and the fertile plains of current-day Fife, Tayside, Aberdeenshire and Moray. Experts of Roman Scotland refer to two main lines of defences built during the Agricolan invasions as the Glen Blocker Forts (Drumquhassle to Cardean) and the Gask Ridge defences (Doune to Bertha) which were used to encircle the highland massif. (N.B.Use the blog archive to access other posts about these installations). 

South of the Gask Ridge, Agricola also had sufficient defences controlling the Forth/ Clyde line which effectively monitored the southern accesses to the highlands.

The fortress at Inchtuthil was the lynchpin of all of these highland defences. Agricola’s aim was probably to use this fortress as a supply base for all future operations north of the Central Belt of Scotland, there being many tribes and territory still to subdue in the far north.

Since the site of the fortress was never built over in ensuing centuries after the Roman occupation, and remained pastureland, it allowed for thorough archaeological excavation (Richmond 1952-1965), though some small-scale investigation of the site had been undertaken in the very early 20th century. Because of its location and undisturbed condition, Inchtuthil is the only site across the Roman Empire that provides the best complete plan of a legionary fortress.

Inchtuthil’s main barrack accommodation blocks (64) were built close to the perimeter but behind the intervallum – the space left free inside the rampart walls the distance of it being set to be the widest extent that missiles from outside the walls could fall. The intervallum space was probably also used for mustering and rapid deployment of troops, and used regularly for drills. Larger than normal workshops (N) were created for manufacturing all of the iron requirements needed for a permanent stay in northern Caledonia (for tools, weapons, and fort building components like nails and brackets). A very sizeable hospital was also built. An outside rectangle of small rooms faced a smaller rectangle of rooms, the rows separated by a walkway (K). To the interior lay an open courtyard.

 

courtesy of SCRAN/ RCahMS

The timber walls of the above buildings alone had an approximate perimeter of 7 miles so the wood cut to create the whole fort would have denuded forests for miles all around the area. It’s estimated that building such a large installation would have taken a few years, the troops living in tented accommodation in the temporary camps situated outside the fortress till the barrack buildings were completed.

There seems to have been construction priorities at Inchtuthil. Some of the expected buildings were never completed and others were unexpectedly small. Generally in a fortress of this size there would have been a sizeable headquarters administration block (P - principia) and a generously-sized building to quarter the legionary commander (praetorium) built in the centre of the fortress behind the via principalis – the main road that ran transverse between slightly offset side gate entrances. At Inchtuthil, there is an unusually small principia and no evidence that a praetorium was ever constructed on the empty space that was laid out for it. This meant a fairly empty centre to the fortress. And some of the Tribune's officer accommodation wasn't completed.

There's evidence for 5 massive granaries, designed to hold months, perhaps even years, worth of grain. It's possible their size was designed to accommodate grain 'payments' from the locals -  although there wasn't really all that much fertile soil for grain crops in north-east Scotland. The locals mostly grew oats and barley, the latter being a ration apparently hated by the Roman troops. It's possible that space for a further 6th granary was laid out but not used. Agricola's concept of Inchtuthil being a huge supply fortress for an offensive further north at some future date was sound, especially in the amount of food stocks that were necessary to feed his four Britannic legions spread throughout the whole island of Britannia. The general troop diet was mainly a wheat-based one - bread and a form of brose/ porridge, and hard tack biscuits when on campaign - but it took tons of grain to feed those men. 

The small principia functioned as the headquarters building, the records store, the place where justice was meted out and where religious ceremonies took place. The aedes - the rear section - would have housed the precious emblems and standards of the legion, the emperor’s image, and altars for worship with the strong room beneath for storage of the legion pay-chests. There may have been a plan for this building to have been enlarged at some point but that never happened. Outside the fortress walls there was a temporary camp officers' compound which seems to have been used during most of the construction phase. It may be that the principia was small because official business was still being conducted from the officers' compound. Interestingly, the remains of a small personal bathhouse were found near that senior staff compound. 

General Agricola was recalled back to Rome in early A.D. 85 but it's not clear who his successor was. It may have been G. Sallustius Lucullus [executed in A.D 94 and there's a nice story for this for another post] but, if him, his tenure as Governor of Britannia would have been incredibly long. By the time Agricola was recalled to Rome, and his almost unparalleled 7-year tenure  ended, Emperor Domitian had already been withdrawing troops from Britannia for some years. Caledonia was seriously undermanned when Agricola left and the troops stretched too thinly across the island of Britain to maintain control over all of the areas invaded. Inchtuthil may have been Agricola's 'pet project', built for sound reasons when in aggressive invasion mode but Agricola's successor may not have had the authority from Domitian to continue to man the northern areas of Caledonia, or even the will to continue with Agricola's ambitious plans. It's not clear when all of the troops retreated from the north and were deployed in southern Britannia after Agricola left Caledonia, but most historians think the troops withdrew down to around Trimontium (Melrose on the Scottish Borders) by the late A.D. 80s. 

General Agricola- Wikimedia Commons 

The fortress at Inchtuthil was probably dismantled and evacuated around A.D. 87 (coin evidence indicates before A.D. 90), the likeliest reason being that Emperor Domitian needed more troops because he was heavily involved in war in Moesia (Balkans)/ and Dacia . Domitian recalled troops of the Legio II Adiutrix Pia Fidelis from Britannia to stem the unrest. This left the northern areas of Caledonia undermanned. It's thought that most of the troops of the Legio XX moved south to man the base at Deva Victrix (Chester) when it was evacuated by the Legio II Adiutrix Pia Fidelis. 

The dismantling process at Inchtuthil was an organised one. If there were elements in the fortress that could be used elsewhere in Britannia, or even across the wider Roman Empire, they would have been packed up and carted off during the withdrawal. Items unwanted like already chipped pottery, unrepaired fittings tended to be consigned to the rubbish pits. In general, nothing was left that the enemy could use to their advantage. Since iron seems to have been the most prized commodity in Late Iron-Age society in Caledonia, probably even more esteemed than gold or silver, it is highly unusual that a massive amount of iron was left at Inchtuthil. Naturally the iron stocks weren’t just left lying around! 

Since the workshops were up and producing early in its history, it’s thought that there were huge stocks of nails ready and waiting for major fort building further north, the Caledonian campaigns expected to continue for some time. Nails of varying sizes, from very small to the huge spikes that were used to connect thick upright posts, were purposely packed into a deep pit and covered over before the fortress buildings were set alight prior to the evacuation of Inchtuthil, a normal procedure when abandoning a fortress. It seems as though the almost one million nails (875,400), iron wheel rims and fittings - upwards of 10 tons worth - were impossible to cart away and this was an attempt to deny the locals from finding them and melting them down to make valuable weapons.

When Richmond excavated the site at Inchtuthil in 1960 it must have been a huge thrill to find this amazing treasure chest beneath the ground. When the pit was first dug, they found a large slab of iron, and under the slab which was in fact multitudes of fused iron nails, they found the cache of intact unused nails. Collections of nails were gifted to museums, some sold off to interested buyers and I read somewhere that some of the remainder ended up in a steelworks in the Central Belt of Scotland. Atomic scientists have studied some of the nails to estimate corrosion effects on barrels of nuclear waste. Click the link below to see a photograph of those amazing nails! 

https://www.scran.ac.uk/packs/exhibitions/learning_materials/webs/56/Inch.htm

I’m currently writing about this amazing fortress in Book 5 of my Celtic Fervour Saga series. My character Agricola has been summoned back to Rome from his campaigns in what is now north Aberdeenshire and Moray. Agricola is determined to see the progress at Inchtuthil on his way southwards since he knows it’s the pinnacle of his achievements in Caledonia.

Happy Reading.

Slainthe!